14 November 2025 at 06:25 PM IST
First published on: 14 November 2025 at 06:25 PM IST
The defeat of the Mahagathbandhan and the defeat of the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) surprised poll experts, who had expected a closer fight between the two alliances. From the beginning, the National Democratic Alliance enjoyed an advantage thanks to its broader social alliances. The RJD was seen as stuck in a social limbo without any addition to its (Muslim-Yadav) social base. The Congress was always seen as a weak link in the Mahagathbandhan, and did not provide any additional value to the alliance.
But how does one explain the RJD’s poor performance, which is comparable to 2009 when Nitish Kumar was at the peak of his popularity? Has my social structure finally been violated? Muslims’ disillusionment with the AKP was evident throughout the election campaign, due to their feeling of betrayal regarding the representation afforded to the community.
This defeat could be a blessing in disguise for the Congress if it carefully reads the writing on the wall and has any strength to reinvent itself in states like Bihar. It is known that the Congress Party will not be able to revive itself at the national level unless it stands on its feet in the states of Bihar and Uttar Pradesh. But can the Grand Old Party seize this opportunity to bounce back?
There are several factors behind the Congress’ repeated poor performance in Bihar. Its electoral problems in Indian politics at present are national and regional. But there are some specific issues that have plagued the party in Bihar, where it has managed to survive under the wing of its ally, the RJD, since 2000. The party became rudderless after Mandal and Kamandal politics dominated the state. Its traditional social base among Muslims, upper castes and Dalits became fragmented and it shifted to the RJD and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP).
For a time, there was an illusion that this was a temporary setback and that her lost social audience would return. But when the challenge of survival began to spread nationally, he felt it was safer to ally with the AKP and under its leadership. However, the more it was pursued by gradual marginalization in national politics, the more the party embarked on its mission of renaissance. Rahul Gandhi’s many yatras have been specifically for this purpose, and the recent Voter Adhikar Yatra was one such move.
But will this hit-and-run approach succeed in saving the party from the rot in which it finds itself? The message from Bihar is loud and clear. Single-track campaigns, such as caste census and representation of OBCs, will not work even in Bihar. Gandhi and the Congress party need to realize that social justice politics are now old and rusty in the state, where more credible voices like Lalu Prasad Yadav and Nitish have used them to the fullest extent. Implementing this agenda to neutralize the BJP is like calling the wrong number.
The need for a new narrative
The Congress must realize that Bihar needs a new narrative of economic regeneration and social empowerment. The politics of social justice has reached its end and demands an alternative economic content and vision. Muslims’ disillusionment with the AKP is also an indication of the rusting of secularism and the securitizing discourse that the AKP champions. That is why Muslims seemed to be looking to Congress with anticipation.
The main challenge facing the Congress in Bihar is to reinvent itself. The dismal economic situation in the state, as revealed by the 2023 caste survey, is a report card on 20 years of NDA rule. But why do people still trust Nitish’s leadership?
The key to this lies in the absence of a credible leader and an alternative policy narrative that carries a new vision for the economy and society. Bihar seems set for a new era in post-Nich politics. Prashant Kishor and the Jan Suraj Party aim to fill the void that is likely to happen soon, when CECs, women and unemployed youth are open to political poaching.
It is known that the EBCs can never convert to the RJD due to deep social contradictions between the Yadavs and over 50 different castes of the EBC. Nitish appears to them as a bulwark against caste majorities within backward class politics. It is not that the Congress is unaware of this, and the delay in announcing Tejashwi Yadav’s name as the face of the Prime Minister was largely due to this concern.
Congress needs to come out of the shadow of its allies in Bihar and start with a clean slate. He must move away from relying on the party dynasties who are in charge of the state. It must cultivate and prepare a new generation of leaders in different societies, especially EECs and Dalits, and present an alternative vision for economic recovery and social harmony.
The writer is a professor of political science at Aryabhata College, Delhi University
(Tags for translation)Bihar Elections
